Syria is on fire. As Michael Weiss and Faysal Itani have observed, America's containment strategy in Syria has failed. Absent the introduction of heavy arms — rumored to include anti-tank weapons — ISIS militants would have seized Kobane from valiant Kurdish ground forces.
The recent failure to capture Kobane is a spectacular setback for ISIL. In a major policy reversal, Turkish officials have agreed to let Iraqi Kurdish fighters cross through Turkish territory to reinforce the Syrian border town.
Meanwhile, the Obama administration has coalesced around yet another Syria policy: arming Kurds from the sky. It's a tricky proposition; until mid-October, Turkey was resistant to the idea of supporting any Kurdish groups in Syria. However, with muted Turkish opposition to such a move, the anti-ISIS coalition can set about shaping outcomes as it sees fit inside Syria.
On September 10th, a number of Free Syrian Army units and members of the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia announced the formation of a joint operations room, Burkan al-Furat (Volcano of the Euphrates) to unite groups fighting ISIS across northern Aleppo and Raqqa provinces. An umbrella coalition of FSA-affiliated outfits called the Dawn of Freedom Brigades and the Raqqa Revolutionaries Brigade — a moderate group driven from Raqqa Province during ISIS advances — stood alongside the YPG fighters in clashes.
Last week, scores of arms and ammunition were airdropped into Kobane into the waiting hands of the Kurdish People's Defense Forces, or YPG. Partnered with them at the tactical level on the ground are the YPJ, a predominantly female fighting force, and elements of the Free Syrian Army. Rumored to include anti-tank weapons, the crates of ammunition and heavy weapons were a welcome respite for the beleaguered forces that have spent months beating back ISIS advances.
This development presents incalculable political utility for Western powers.
Since the US Congress has already voted to support and arm the Syrian opposition, one could argue the authorization already exists to provide technical assistance, covertly and overtly, to the blended forces under the Burkan al-Furat umbrella, composed of Syrian Kurdish militias and elements of the Free Syria Army.
With the establishment of the "Euphrates Volcano" operations center, disparate groups of non-Islamist fighters have declared their intention to liberate Raqqa and Aleppo and cooperate closely at the tactical level.
This move should be greeted with elation by the global coalition. Western and regional powers must send advisers and special operations forces to build the capacity of this organization.
Forces in Kobani and across Syria need not fight alone. While it has been suggested Kurds in Syria are a unitary terrorist entity, this is not only incorrect but inconsistent with the Obama administration's own policies.
Pressed on the administration's position, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki unequivocally stated“The PYD is a different group than the PKK legally, under United States law.” Asked again if the administration considered the PYD the same as the PKK, Pskai reiterated “they are not the same under United States law. No.”
Both the YPJ and YPG forces fall under the administrative rubric of the PYD. Thus, America does not consider them a foreign terrorist organization legally.
As a matter of policy, it is apparent that mission success — specifically, the stated policy goal that “Assad must go” — is paramount in Syria. All other concerns are ancillary.
All efforts focused on finding nuance where it does not exist detracts from these efforts, and diminishes the sacrifices of hundreds of thousands of people.
While recent battlefield successes by opposition forces are right to give onlookers hope, it is not enough. The confederation of Syrian Kurds and Sunni moderates under the banner of the Dawn of Freedom are the only viable partners in Syria. Their mettle has been tested, and they have passed with flying colors.
The adversary in Syria is decentralized, geographically dispersed, and inherently secretive. It cannot be defeated solely from the air.
ISIL is by no means ten feet tall. In effect, it is a large gang masquerading as international terrorists — albeit one with state-like resources. Assad's military is equally ill-suited to meet seasoned Kurdish fighters of the YPJ, especially on the battlefield. Neither are they any match for now well-armed and determined counterinsurgents already present on the ground.
Concerns about combat effectiveness are unfounded as these same forces repelled ISIS — a numerically superior force — using small arms and, in some cases, their bare hands.
This confederation has demonstrated they are a formidable adversary — for ISIS, Assad's decrepit military, and anyone else that challenges their sovereignty.
Provision of anti-tank weapons to the fighters in Kobane is a good start, but is not sufficient in and of itself. If the coalition is in search of boots on the ground, it has them in a Syrian opposition reborn.
Properly equipped, major powers will find a willing partner — along with the key to confronting Assad and his backers along with it.
Kevin Truitte is an independent Middle East Security and Policy Analyst. He is currently an Intelligence Research Fellow at Young Professionals in Foreign Policy and has previously worked as a Research Assistant on both Iraq and Syria at the Institute for the Study of War.
Robert Caruso served in the United States Navy as a special security officer, and has worked in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Bureau of Diplomatic Security at the Department of State, the office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, and as a contractor for the Department of the Army.
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